Since July 2019, an anti-Japanese movement has swept across South Korea following the Korea-Japan trade dispute. Koreans had launched intermittent anti-Japanese movements since the end of colonial rule in 1945, but the one in 2019 was notable for its scale and persistence. This paper examines this recent movement, focusing on Korea’s pre-existing social cleavages regarding Japan-one concerning history and the other security cooperation. The Japanese government’s export restrictions, the direct cause of the trade dispute, have seemed to link history with economics, and Korea has linked economics with security as a way of overcoming the trade dispute. During this process, due to the compatibility of discourses that formed the cleavages, hardline and moderate discourses have respectively been reinforced, and the cleavages have overlapped. This has formed a broader cleavage between those who consider themselves anti-Japanese patriots and those who are cautious about the anti-Japanese movement. The former have called the latter “pro-Japanese collaborators,” who have dominated Korean society and have critically factored in the explosion of the 2019 movement. Based on the research results, this paper concludes by pointing out the implications for constructively managing the Korea-Japan relationship.
Regular Issue
Volume #26, Number #1
Published in June, 2022
In 2007, the Japanese government selected the project “Cultural landscapes of the Saru Valley Formed by the Ainu tradition and reclaimed in recent times” as being especially important in regard to cultural landscapes. This selection marked a turning point in Japan’s Ainu policies. Given its significance, this article attempts to scrutinize the case through the theoretical framework of critical policy studies. By treating “cultural landscapes as an indigenous policy,” this article argues that the system of cultural landscapes introduces a dynamic view of culture. Based on this view, culture is considered to be deeply rooted in people’s daily lives, which provides a multicultural understanding. The Ainu therefore comprise an important cultural layer in Japan. Nevertheless, from a more critical perspective, the system of cultural landscapes is somehow of limited value in promoting indigenous rights. For one thing, cultural landscapes are deeply embedded in the settlers’ understanding of modern history. The Ainu, however, view the modern history of Hokkaido as nothing but a process of internal colonization. For another, the concept of cultural “landscapes” in fact says nothing about (indigenous) lands. Using the term “cultural landscapes” may somehow obliterate the cause of land deprivation. As a result, this article argues that a land-based discussion on cultural landscapes is needed.
The brutal wars of the 20th century have had a profound impact on European civil societies. As a historian and a political thought scholar, Collingwood explored the developmental process of European civilisation and the conditions for modern European barbarianism. In Collingwood’s view, the vital foundation of European civilisation’s civility had gradually died away when Enlightenment thought and the industrial technological culture emerged. Taking this crisis of European civilisation as the background, Collingwood considered it to be one of the conditions for the Nazis to seize power via democratic procedures by means of their propaganda based on the myth of the German nation, which was allegedly created for the independence and autonomy of the Germans. Indeed, the German Herd Discourse developed in Collingwood’s analysis had its prejudices owing to his Anglo-French cultural background. However, for Collingwood barbarism was not confined to a certain national circumstance, but was rather a phenomenon which can appear in each liberal democratic regime. This article thus explores Collingwood’s analysis of the development of European civilisation and the conditions for barbarism, while also discussing Collingwood’s study of the rational and non-rational aspects of the human mind and its relationship with the two principles of modern politics, namely, the aristocracy and democratic principles. In addition, this study probes into how Collingwood articulated the close connections between civilisation and barbarity, and liberty and democracy, through his work and analysis. As we are now living in a turbulent time, Collingwood’s findings regarding the nature of civilisation and barbarity and of liberty and democracy may give us further insights.
The bargaining theory of war is a revolutionary breakthrough in theoretical explanations for war in the field of International Relations (IR). This bargaining approach applies game-theoretical deduction to arrive at one proposition that this article focuses on: wars as failed bargains between two rational unitary state actors arise from incomplete information. This provides an important micro-foundation for the use of confidence-building measures to promote peace in foreign policy practices. Yet, the related empirical literature has seldomly tested the direct causal link between information and war in experimental settings. To fill this gap, this study has designed and conducted the first randomized experiment in Taiwan to test the empirical implications of the theory. Through experimentally controlling the personal traits of actors and the distribution of power between them by random assignment, this study finds that war has occurred more frequently and has been more likely to occur between actors as more incomplete information about the distribution of power is revealed to actors in the process of interstate bargaining. These findings are in line with the bargaining theory of war; they also provide more internally valid empirical evidence in support of policy prescriptions for confidence-building measures.
In response to the decline of landline households and the growth of cellphone-only users, more and more telephone surveys conduct interviews by cellphone as well as by landline. However, in the absence of a sampling frame that covers both landline households and cellphone users, a dual-frame sampling design is inevitable, that is, sampling from a landline frame and a cellphone frame separately, and then combining the two samples for the analysis. These two frames overlap in the subpopulation that uses both a landline and cellphone, and the sampling rates of them are usually different. Consequently, respondents in a dual-frame survey have unequal chances of being sampled. Several methods for correcting this problem have been proposed in the Western literature, but most of them are not suitable for Taiwan. A viable alternative referred to as the “System-of-Equations Method” is increasingly being adopted in the Taiwanese polling industry, but academic research has not considered it in much detail.
To fill this gap, this paper examines this method in three respects: 1) by elaborating its underlying assumptions and evaluating the consequences of assumption violation; 2) by examining the statistical properties of the method; and 3) by improving the procedure for applying the method. The results of this study establish the theoretical basis of the System-of-Equations Method, provide a practical guide for its proper use, and suggest directions for future research on dual-frame surveys.