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第 24 卷・第 1 期
發行於 六月, 2020

更正暨致歉啟事(2020.11.17)

 

本刊第二十四卷第一期(2020年6月)於頁38-39、頁68-69、頁179、頁188-194、頁197、頁215-219出現排版錯誤,編輯部已於電子檔完成更正,並更新載於「華藝線上圖書館」之論文電子檔案,特予公告。本刊謹就這些錯誤所導致之任何不便深表歉意。

 

總編輯 蔡中民

台灣政治學刊編輯部

The idea of crowdfunding has rapidly gained momentum around the world, as ordinary people have been looking for solutions to compensate for the diminishing interest rates on their investments in bonds and bank savings deposits as a result of the financial crisis in 2008-2009. The authorities have long remained inactive, but due to the rapid growth in popularity of crowdfunding, they have slowly introduced or modified regulations. The regulatory authorities have had to identify the interests of stakeholders to facilitate access to micro and small capital, as well as to create a system for platforms serving as intermediaries between fund receivers and providers, while at the same time protecting individual investors against total loss. This research seeks to find and analyze key reasons for the importance of retail funding in Singapore and South Korea as the two countries share a similar historic and economic background in the post-World War II era. It also examines whether and to what extent the regulatory framework in these two countries is patterned upon the framework created in more developed and experienced countries. It focuses on securitized, that is, equity-based and lending-based, crowdfunding and intends to analyze the development and application of crowdfunding regulations in Singapore, which opted for a modification of existing regulations, and South Korea, which opted for an explicit regulation. The study then seeks to identify the main similarities and differences between these two countries in the context of crowdfunding regulations. Finally, it endeavors to answer the question of whether crowdfunding may become a potential source of funding for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) in these two countries, with a particular focus on startups devoid of the financial resources needed for growth and for the commercialization of new products and services. 

Roland Attila Csizmazia

This research aims to investigate whether disaster response systems have the foundations needed to self-organize and overcome the uncertainties present in post-disaster environments. Drawing upon contributions from the resilience, network governance, and complex adaptive systems literature, this article presents the findings of an investigation into the disaster response system that operated in Indonesia after the 2004 Indian Ocean Earthquake and Tsunami. Network data, comprised of organizational actors and their interactions, were collected from newspaper articles and situation reports published between 26 December 2004 and 17 January 2005. These data were transformed into a series of twenty-two relational matrices and processed with network analysis software. Three network measures, namely, density, diameter and components, were computed and plotted by date to evaluate the development and structural evolution of the tsunami response system. The findings indicate that the disaster response system experienced structural change. While additional research is needed to validate these findings, future research should explore the mechanisms that drive self-organization in post-disaster environments, as well as the steps policy-makers can take to design and promote self-organizing disaster response systems.

Thomas W. Haase

如同今日的台灣,威瑪共和也曾採行公民投票的制度並且以憲法明文規定之。按照立憲者的原意,之所以要將直接民主的要素帶入威瑪憲法,其理由主要在於他們──一如臺灣的立憲者──對於議會的不信任,因此將直接民主要素視為用以補充代議機關之不足,甚或是視為制衡議會的機制之一。德國法學者 Carl Schmitt(施密特)不僅曾經深入地分析議會制的正當性,也同樣對威瑪憲法當中的直接民主要素做出了批評:直接民主形成了對於議會制度的挑戰,並間接造成威瑪共和的瓦解。在理論層次來看,施米特對於代議民主與直接民主的觀察雖然在戰後德國被繼受,但他的影響卻常常被低估。因此,本文將對威瑪的直接民主制度進行概略性的剖析。接著則再回到理論面,透過 Carl Schmitt 的書寫來探討代議民主與直接民主的競爭關係,最後則透過其觀點來反思直接民主的侷限與缺失。

楊尚儒

當代民主國家在政治決策過程中,是否兼顧兩性代表平衡,是其政權合法性很重要的來源,並且也是外界評判是否為「良善治理」的一項重要標準。有鑑於女性過往在社會經濟乃至於政治層面的相對弱勢地位,許多國家也嘗試以不同的制度設計,保障女性在國會中的代表席次。在兩性平等的世界風潮下,印尼自 1998 年以降,在國會選舉法與政黨法歷經數次沿革,試圖提升該國女性國會與各級議會議員的比例。本文試圖從 1998 年至 2019 年的五屆大選結果,觀察印尼女性政治參與在國會選舉層面上的進展,並初步探討影響該國女性代表比例的主要制度性因素。不同於傳統認為開放性名單比例代表制會造成黨內競爭與不利弱勢女性候選人的理論,印尼在小選區規模與多黨均勢競爭的情況下,採取開放性名單模式,反而使得未列於名單前段的女性候選人,仍能有機會當選。

孫采薇

國內國會研究對於立法委員發言甚少有系統性的實證研究,然而立委發言被《立法院職權行使法》認定是正式的立法行為之一,與表決同等重要。本文從探討立委發言開始,並聚焦在立委發言的三種訴求取向:政黨、選民與資訊。探究這三種訴求取向的文獻大抵在討論一個主要的研究問題:立法過程中究竟多數黨黨團會不會挾人數優勢,進行以服務選區為導向的「分配立法」?為了回答這個問題,兩大學派-「政黨中心論」與「綜合立法模式」─提出不同論點,並衍生出兩組競爭假設。本文的發現與政黨中心論者 Cox 與 McCubbins 的論述一致,他們認為多數黨黨團的影響力高時,會帶動更多選民考量的問政。本文蒐集選制改革後的「第七屆立法院」共八個會期的立委發言做為研究對象,依變項為立委發言的訴求取向-包括政黨、選民與資訊三種,主要自變項包括以個別立委「政黨團結度」測量的「黨團影響力」與以「黨團協商案」測量的法案「議題顯著性」。本文除了是國內少數探究立委發言的量化研究,同時也是國內首篇比較 Maltzman 模式與 Cox 與McCubbins 模式詮釋力的論文。

邱師儀